by Brendan Obern
In the 1980s, Ronald Reagan drew the line in El Salvador, saying that United States would tolerate armed liberation struggles in the Americas, "Here but no further." Bold actions by left-wing guerrillas and a strong movement for social justice in Colombia give a rude awakening to the powers-that-be in Bogata and Washington. Clinton and his generals are drawing a new line, in Colombia, where guerrillas who control over 40% of the country and the social movement, with millions of teachers, unionists and human rights activists, are demanding peace, justice and democracy.
In early November, guerrillas from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) hijacked two helicopters in Panama. This action into neighboring Panama, whose canal will go out of US military control this year, along with talks with the new President of nearby Venezuela, has been a source of concern for US foreign policy makers. Washington has been truly shocked that the Colombian government has such a fragile hold on power. Colombian President Andres Pastrana has resorted to engaging in direct negotiations with the FARC. This is a desperate state of affairs for decision-makers in Washington. Thus our officials have snapped into action. "Drug Czar" General Barry McCaffrey and General Charles E Wilhelm of the US Southern Command have called for military aid to be increased from $289 million to over a billion dollars.
In Congress, Senators Paul Coverdell (R-GA) and Mike DeWine (R-OH) are pushing for an emergency aid bill known as the Alliance with the Colombian and Andean Region Act of 1999 or S. 1758. This bill authorizes $1.5 billion in military aid to a country that already ranks third in the world and has a well-known record of military violence against the civilian population.
The Colombian Army has an abysmal human rights record,
which President Pastrana honestly admitted, saying to the press, "We have
problems on that count." Since 1985, approximately 1.5 million Colombians
have been displaced by the war, and over 30,000 have been killed.
Presidents Clinton and Pastrana insist that all
this military aid is part of our "War on Drugs." There are already hundreds
of US Special Forces officers (Green Berets) training Colombia's "anti-narcotics"
units, as well as the increased amounts of military equipment. Over 300
helicopters have been sent, and the US Army open shares intelligence with
the Colombian Army. Despite massive US financial and military backing to
the Colombian government in its civil war, drug production has risen and
the human costs grow.
The truth is, the War on Drugs is a war on the people of Colombia. Colombians deserve a chance to begin to resolve their deep-seated social problems without the US escalating the conflict from outside. At a time when the guerrillas and the Colombian government are discussing the terms for building peace, the U.S. wants to pour billions of dollars into a full-scale counter-insurgency program.
On Sunday, October 24th, 12 million Colombians
poured onto the city streets to show their support for successful negotiations.
In the US, we must respect their desire for peace with justice.
by Alan Dale
The U.S. and NATO waged a massive bombing war against Yugoslavia from March to June of this year. Yet there is almost no news in the U.S. about the effects of this war.
Since the western occupation of Kosovo, a part of Yugoslavia, there has been a massive campaign by the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army and other forces to drive the remaining Serbian population out of Kosovo. The Center for Peace and Tolerance reports that since the occupation, there have been over 400 murders and 500 kidnappings, mostly of Serbian people but also of people of other ethnic groups including Roma and Albanians who do not support the KLA. The NATO occupation army has essentially allowed this campaign to unfold.
The U.S. and NATO justified their war as a campaign to protect human rights against a mass slaughter of Albanian people by the Yugoslav military. Yet, it turns out that conditions in Kosovo at the start of the air war and during the assault were not what the U.S. government described. The Sunday Times of London reported on October 31, 1999 that the British government is under pressure to explain what appears to be a deliberate effort to "mislead the public over the scale of deaths among civilians in Kosovo to justify the NATO bombing of Belgrade."
During the war, western officials spoke of a death toll of over 100,000. President William Clinton said the NATO war was waged to stop "deliberate, systematic efforts at ethnic cleansing and genocide."
Emilio Perez Pujol, a pathologist, estimated that the final figure of dead in Kosovo at around 2500.
Alice Mahon a Labor Party member of the British Parliament told the Times that the situation in Kosovo before the bombing was tragic but "when you consider that 1500 civilians were killed during the NATO bombing, you have to ask whether the intervention was justified."
As the anti-war movement warned during the bombing of Yugoslavia, an occupation by the western powers did not bring peace. The U.S. and NATO have not intervened in Yugoslavia to defend anyone's human rights, but, rather to impose a solution that favors the western powers in the strategic Balkan region.
Currently, tensions continue to build between Montenegro and Serbia, the remaining republics within Yugoslavia. The western powers are supporting threats by Montenegro to leave Yugoslavia.
This could easily become the flash point for a new round of violence. Yet again, this violence would be instigated & supported by outside powers.
by Brandi Bauer
When the Anti-War Committee and the Progressive Student Organization learned that NBC news anchor Tom Brokaw would appear at University of Minnesota to promote his new book, "The Greatest Generation," we planned a special welcome. Brokaw, who works for General Electric-owned NBC, has been one of the biggest supporters of the US war in Iraq. Event attendees were greeted with the banner, Enter Here for Media Lies, along with a protest of chants, banners and flyers with information on Iraq and biased media coverage.
About 25 protesters showed up for this early Monday morning demonstration that coincided with the National Week of Protest to stop the bombing and sanctions on Iraq, the last week of September. After passing out over 800 flyers and listening to speakers talk about bombings, sanctions and the media's role, several protesters entered the Northrup Auditorium event to question Brokaw about Iraq and the role of media owned by arms-producing companies.
Pulling our press release out of his pocket, Brokaw
denied that there was any link between General Electric profits and NBC
coverage, claiming that there is a "firewall" between the two companies.
He further stated that he wasn't even sure if GE weapons were used against
Iraq, despite a special report he hosted earlier in the year on the weapons
used during the latest bombing. Two weeks after our protest, Brokaw gave
another news report showcasing GE-made weapons.
by Peter Martin
The rally in support of condemned journalist Mumia Abu Jamal drew over 300 protesters to Peavey Park on Saturday, October 24. When people began marching up Chicago to Lake street, we were roughly herded onto the sidewalk by mounted police and accompanied by a cavalcade of twelve squad cars and two booking wagons. The motorized force grew to 20 squad cars by the time marchers returned to the park after returning down Portland Avenue. Although no one was hurt, two protesters were arrested trying to get protesters safely onto the sidewalk. Despite a large turnout and support from many community organizations, mainstream newspapers, and most other media sources failed to report on the event.
Failure to cover Mumia's legal battle for justice, and the widespread international movement that supports him, is part of the pattern media silence in the face of police brutality, an unequal justice system and
overwhelming U.S. military force that come with the "Drug War." The week before his death warrant was signed, Mumia wrote about the U.S. role in Colombia in the article, An Empire in Search of War!:
The Anti-War Movement demands
justice in East Timor
by Meredith Aby
Twenty-five years ago, the United States financed the Indonesian invasion of East Timor. By supporting the Indonesian government in East Timor, the US maintained control over a significant power in Asia, and secured a key trade ally in the world's fourth largest country. While Indonesia ruled East Timor with terror, committing genocide, the U.S. remained silent.
In a UN-run election on August 30, 1999, the East Timorese people told the world, enough is enough. In the face heavy military repression, 97% of those who voted (with 80% voter turnout) voted for independence for East Timor. Indonesia responded with violence, killing more East Timorese, UN workers, and causing 200,000 (1/4 of the population!) people to flee the country.
Under massive international and grassroots pressure,
the US has finally cut off military aid to Indonesia. But this is not enough.
The United States should immediately recognize the sovereign nation of
East Timor, cut ALL economic support to its brutal allies in Indonesia,
and pour money into the rebuilding of this country. U.S. and Indonesia
Out of East Timor!
by Emmanuel Ortiz
There is a saying popular among North American tourists that Puerto Rico is "la isla encantada," or the enchanted island. For the people of tiny Vieques, just off the Puerto Rican archipelago, this is anything for true. For decades, the US Navy has used their land, and the community of 9,300 has resisted the occupation force.
April 19, 1999, US warplanes, training for war with Yugoslavia, dropped a bomb a mile and a half off target. It struck a military guardpost, killed one Puerto Rican and injured four more. This sparked an explosive renewal in Vieques (and all of Puerto Rico) to stop the bombings and end the Navy occupation. Protesters led by the Committee for the Rescue and Development of Vieques and the Vieques Fisherman's Association, took over the bombing range and set up a civil disobedience encampment, which they have held for over 7 months.
Throughout Puerto Rico, the people support the demands. July 4th, 50,000 people marched through San Juan, chanting "¡La Marina fuera de Vieques!" (Navy out of Vieques!). Even the colony's pro-US governor is demanding that the Navy depart.
The Pentagon answers that Vieques has ideal conditions for military practice runs, and that makes it crucial to the US role as military superpower and world watchdog. Vieques has been a base for military interventions like those in Haiti, Grenada and Panama, and is crucial for the US "War on Drugs." As the US gears up for a possible military intervention in Colombia, while removing all US troops from Panama, Puerto Rico is the key to continuing US domination in the hemisphere.
A committee appointed by President Clinton reviewed the demands of the Puerto Rican people, and the military's claims, and recommended a cutback in the bombings and a withdrawal from operations on the island after 5 years. The people of Vieques say these terms are unacceptable. We say "¡La marina fuera de Vieques!"
Emmanuel Ortiz is a member the Puerto Rican Coalition in Minnesota, which works to support Puerto Rican resistance to US imperialist rule, for the release of Puerto Rican political prisoners, to remove the US military from Puerto Rico, and to develop a Puerto Rican community in the Twin Cities. They recently hosted Carlos Zenon, president of Vieques Fisherman's Association, who toured the U.S. to build broad-based support for the movement to get the U.S. Navy out of Vieques. For more information, contact them at (612) 729-6832 or boricano@hotmail.com.